Safe Democracy Foundation - Safe Democracy

Martin Varsavsky questions the Argentinean public’s support of Hugo Chavez, attributing it to a juvenile tendency to blame foreign powers (whether the United States, Spain, or Chile) for Argentina’s problems. Varsavsky believes that Chavez is nothing more than a peronist leader, incapable of helping his country to develop economically or socially, and that Nestor Kirchner’s partnership with Venezuela will lead to inevitable failure. Argentina would do better to model itself after Chile or Spain, poor countries that have been able to raise themselves up and prosper. It must learn that there are no magic formulas for success as a nation. In order to progress, the Argentinean people must accept the complexity of progress and work towards better education, tolerance, and greater maturity in their governmental decisions.

Aldo Civico analyzes the three major contributors to the ongoing crisis between the Colombian government and paramilitary leaders: the economic structuring of the paramilitary groups, the continuation of narco-trafficking, and the involvement of Colombian armed forces in narco-trafficking. Civico criticizes the demobilization process and emphasizes the importance of the rule of law in reaching a solution. A safer, more just democracy in Colombia is possible.

There are many explanations for Álvaro Uribe’s recent electoral success in Colombia, but the most relevant, José Luis Gómez explains, is that Colombia reelected Uribe because of a common concern for security. Gómez Garavito explains how the vote for Uribe was neither a vote of punishment, nor desperation, but rather a vote of trust for a popular president. Despite all of his critics, Uribe has managed to avoid the empty rhetoric of Populism in order to broaden, and yet concentrate his power in Colombian politics.

Ariel Moutsatsos discusses the importance of economic, and fiscal reform in the upcoming elections in Mexico. He believes that what is at stake in these elections is not just the battle between progressive and traditionalist viewpoints, liberals against conservatives, nor is it a simple confrontation between independents and realists, revolutionaries against porfiristas; what is at stake is the wellbeing, future, and credibility of the Mexican nation itself. Moutsatsos explains the complexity of these issues, and describes how Spanish and Chilean socialism can serve as examples for Mexico in order to create and sustainable development, better the quality of life, and reduce poverty and social inequalities.

Augusto Zamora perceives three significant movements that are currently shaping Latin America: first is the newly cemented Peruvian relationship with Brazil, second is the reform that Evo Morales is carrying out in the Andean Community of Nations (CAN), and third is the possible resolution of Bolivia and Chile’s age-old conflict over access to the ocean. If the left wins in the upcoming elections in Mexico, Ecuador and Nicaragua, and if Lula and Chavez are reelected in Brazil and Venezuela, Zamora believes that Latin America will enter into a period of change, unity, and solidarity.

Pedro G. Cavallero sheds light on Argentinean President Néstor Kirchner’s aggressive policies by looking at Argentina’s past and through the study of History. Cavallero explains the motives behind the current Kirchner’s antagonism towards a large number of social, political, and economic groups in Argentina, including the military and the Church, and states that with the next elections quickly approaching, his leadership becomes evident.

Ricardo Israel Z. discusses the recent series of student protests in Chile and how their onset has rattled the claims of the Chilean government that the country is living a period of stability. The protests have demonstrated the urgent need for improvement in the quality of Chilean education, and the importance of equal access to education for all citizens of Chile. Israel Z. believes that if Chile really wants to make progress towards improving its society, it must compare itself not only to countries that are worse off, but also to more successful countries. He explains how the penguins (high school students) have influenced public opinion in Chile and how they have rallied for better education through protests, cell phones, and the Internet.

Edgardo Mocca criticizes the analysis made about the arrival in power of Evo Morales in Bolivia –and the application of nationalizing policies– which, in his opinion, have been done out of context without considering the immediate past of the country. In this light, the author looks diachronically at Bolivia, and explains why we have to be careful with the childish left and with the demonization and extortion insinuated from some neoliberal circles. South America needs a democratic and pacifist Bolivia, capable of maintaining its unit as a Nation. Mocca believes that the dialog is opened, and it seems to be the only pragmatic and effective current formula to preserve the democratic governability.

Maximiliano Borches suggests that the electoral victory of Peruvian President Alan García (social democrat) cannot be perceived as a political victory, considering the massive successes of the Union Party of Peru (Partido Unión por el Perú, UPP) and its leader, Ollanta Humala, who won the first round of elections. Analyzing the situation from this point of view, Borches attributes García’s victory to public fear that his opponent might win, and estimates that he will not be faced with an easy presidency. García has come to power in a political situation of extreme fragility, and must face the popular scrutiny and mistrust that many members of his new government are receiving. In order for García to be able to broaden democracy in Peru, he must reach a consensus within his country.