Walid Salem explains how false peace, in which one side controls the other side without fulfilling any of its obligations, has been one of the biggest impediments to ending war in the Middle East. Salem gives three examples on how unilateral peace of control has gained support among intellectuals throughout the world, but clarifies that neither peace of control, nor conflict management solutions, nor confidence building measures will bring an end to the violence. In order for the wars to end, peace must be based upon equality of both sides and not on control of one side over another. Following this process, Salem gives a possible strategy to achieve peace between both Israel and Lebanon, and Israel and Palestine.
Ciro Di Costanzo explains why the civil resistance movement led by candidate Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (PRD), which is protesting the supposed fraudulent recent elections in the heart of Mexico, will fall apart over time. Di Costanzo believes that this civil resistance, Mexican style, lacks convincing arguments and proof and is merely a reaction of suspicion over an autocratic cultural tradition that no longer exists. The resistance is following a risky strategy, which could endanger Marcelo Ebrard’s (PRD) entering government in Mexico City, and could harm the democratic institutions it claims to uphold.
Eric L. Napoli writes that in this summer’s war in Lebanon, the US responded by stalling cease fire negotiations in favour of Israeli interests while Europe’s reaction was to do nothing, thus demonstrating that the EU still lacks the political will and infrastructure for impeding an acute humanitarian crisis in its own front yard. Napoli, thus, questions European passivity towards the human tragedy of its neighbours. He explains how on one side of the Mediterranean hundreds of civilians have lost their lives and thousands are homeless and turned into refugees, and on the other side, the Europeans are getting their feet wet, but not by defending their neighbours’ human rights or counterbalancing US foreign policy. The Europeans are on vacation.
Mario Sznajder analyzes the political impact that the war in Lebanon has produced in Israel, where military and civilian protests are calling for the dismissal of Olmert’s government, and governmental investigations are looking into the decisions made during the war. It is obvious that the unilateral pullout of Lebanon in 2000 did nothing to stop Hezbollah’s strategy, and in Sznajder’s opinion, the same will be true of the West Bank. Even if Israel pulls out and establishes the security wall as an international border for the new Palestinian state, eventually missiles will begin to fall from that border too. The only option left, therefore, is negotiation.
Mario Esteban describes how the reforms to democratize the Vietnamese government, being instituted by the Communist Party of Vietnam, could serve as a valuable model for political change in China. Yet, while many liberal voices are applauding Vietnam’s transformation, many more conservative leaders refuse the idea of following in Vietnam’s footsteps. Instead of fulfilling his promise to reform, Hu Jintao has chosen to continue the rigid framework established by Deng Xiaoping of economic growth, and party control of army and administration. In Esteban’s opinion, China is still far from democracy.
Chimène Coste describes the current state of political and social paralysis provoked by Fidel Castro’s illness, leaving the Cuban people with a vacuum of power. Through written statements, Fidel delegated provisional powers to his brother Raul and several other members of his cabinet, yet no high-ranking official has stepped up to publicly assume power. Despite the seeming normality and unity of the Cuban people, strong tensions are coursing as the society militarizes and prepares for the transition. In Coste’s opinion the most important question to be asked now is: What will prevail? the revolution or the family dynasty?
Mario Toer explains how more than fifty years of denial has led to the current outbreak of violence and terror in San Pablo and Rio de Janeiro. In Toer’s opinion, Brazil has one of the most polarized societies in the world, and so it is no wonder that given the age-old violence of the death squadrons that the poor and marginalized would create their own defense organizations. The process to end the violence will be long and arduous, but in the end the Brazilian government must find a way to reintegrate the marginalized back into society, take support away from the First Command of the Capital, and show Brazil’s citizens that it is concerned about their health, education, and future.
Wenceslao Cruz explains how Castro’s anti-Americanism has allowed him to stay in power by winning the economic and military support of the Soviet Union, by distracting the international community away from his regime’s abuse of human rights, and by establishing himself as a David to the Goliath of the United States. After more than half a century in power, other countries are beginning to follow Castro’s example in order to establish themselves as antidemocratic, autocratic dictators. In Cruz’s opinion it is up to the democratic world to stand up to the newly risen copycat dictatorships in countries like Venezuela, and to uphold the values of democracy above the economic interests.
Ricardo Israel Z. explains how, as long as Fidel Castro is alive, there will be no great transformations within the Cuban government. In Israel Z.’s opinion, it is unlikely that the revolution will outlive the revolutionary, as Castro was a unique charismatic leader, yet in this time of uncertainty, the Cuban people will take refuge in order rather than in chaos. Cuba will most likely remain relatively calm until Castro’s death, while the real confrontations take place behind closed doors, rather than on the streets.






