Michael Gerson
10/28/2009
Harvard professor Michael Sandel makes a practice of attempting to bring moral clarity to the choices inherent in a democratic society. His most recent efforts involve the definition of populist justice, which Sandel claims are utilitarianism (the greatest happiness for the greatest number of people) and individual freedom (whatever is decided between consenting adults is just). The professor critiques both of these definitions and has come to the conclusion that we are bound by more than individual choice in our decisions about right and wrong. A “communitarian” approach that recognizes moral convictions born of deep attachments may be the most just and moral way to govern society.
Gerson writes about politics, global health and development, religion, and foreign policy.
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The United Nations needs to appoint an envoy to oversee the runoff elections in Afghanistan because fraud could stain this vote as well, Galbraith says. The biggest obstacle to fair elections is the Independent Election Commission, which administers them. Afghan President Karzai appointed its members, and six of the seven commissioners voted in favor of procedures to benefit his campaign. The UN must stop pretending this is not a pro-Karzai institution and appoint an envoy to supervise the elections impartially. Even if Karzai wins the second round, the fraud from the first election will taint his victory. Dr. Abdullah, Karzai’s opponent, proposed constitutional changes for power-sharing, and the United Nations should encourage Afghans to consider them to emerge from the crisis of legitimacy.
Far from being an aberrant choice, Obama was the ideal one, “Scandinavianally” speaking. Most of the prize winners draw from the obscure ranks of those who believe all conflict stems from avoidable misunderstanding and that the world’s evils spring from everything but the hearts of men, where love abides. Stephens concludes that what Obama’s award portends for the kind of peace and security bequeathed to us by the exertions of such non-Nobelists as Truman, Eisenhower, Thatcher, and Reagan is another question.
The dollar’s sharp drop over the past few weeks has led to considerable anxiety about the status of the US as the dominant force in the global economy. Closely related to this fear is worry about the rise of China, which is the largest creditor to a heavily indebted US government. Noting that debt can become a real liability for a superpower, Karabell recalls what happened to postwar Britain. Having supported the British for decades and become its banker and manufacturer during two wars, the US fully supplanted the British Empire at the end of World War II. By 2030–if not sooner–China is likely to surpass the US in the size of its economy. Trajectories can change, but the recent implosion of the American financial system has only accelerated China’s rise. To assume we will always be the dominant nation on the world stage is a recipe for becoming Britain.
